Mass
public protests demanding the release of senior Muslim Brotherhood
figures who were duly appointed following elections, and insisting upon
their return to their assigned offices, are being held in the Egyptian
capital, Cairo. The deaths of at least 120 people and the injury of
another 4,500 or so by the current junta on July 27th in a massacre of
those engaging in their right to "democratic and peaceful protest" has
created considerable unease across the world.
While
one might expect democracies to be supported at a time when there is a
great need for peace in the Middle East, the events we have witnessed in
Egypt in recent days appear to foretell a new era that may lead the
Middle East into even greater turmoil.
Referring
to the latest massacre, EU's foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton said
she "deeply regretted" the incident and called for an end to the
violence. British foreign secretary William Hague called for the
Egyptian authorities "to recognize the right to peaceful protest and
bring those responsible for the carnage to justice." U.S. State
Department spokesman Patrick Ventrell issued a similar statement.
However, these statements are not intended to change the course of
events and bestow a new impetus, and go no further than being
expressions of hope.
Egypt's
interior minister Ibrahim's latest reference to the persisting peaceful
protests as "a threat to national security" is unacceptable. An
official charged with putting an end to the peaceful protests in Rabaa
al Adawiyya and al Nahda squares using language seeking to justify the
use of force makes the severity of the situation crystal clear. These
antidemocratic words give rise to concerns that the slaughter will
continue. We must not forget that the call issued by General Abdel
Fattah al-Sisi before the July 27th protests empowering "the people to
take to the streets against terror and anarchy" -- is the product of
that same mentality. The idea of using violence to neutralize one
section of society's democratic rights with the aim of establishing the
security of society is a blatant violation of universal human rights.
The
uncertainty surrounding Mohammed Morsi and other members of the Muslim
Brotherhood, who were unlawfully detained and subjected to hours of
illegal interrogation on a daily basis, is another source of unease. It
is unacceptable to use "regarding ideas as troubling or dangerous" as an
excuse for "removing people from their posts at gunpoint and keeping
them in detention in an unknown location." Not even Hosni Mubarak, the
deposed Egyptian leader, engaged in such repressive and violent actions
against the Muslim Brotherhood.
It
will be useful to reiterate this fact; one may not support Morsi and
the Brotherhood, and one may even hold views wholly opposed to theirs.
But arresting duly elected officials in an illegal manner and then
keeping them detained on dubious charges that have nothing to do with
reality is a violation of the universal declaration of human rights.
Even if they are believed to have committed crimes, investigations must
be carried out in a transparent and democratic manner, in line with the
constitution and with the precepts of criminal law that we see in
democratic societies.
The
USA, the EU and Gulf countries must carefully consider policies that
openly support the junta; for Middle Eastern countries to come to a
position where they support antidemocratic processes against one another
will lead to endless regional hatred, rancor and fighting. It will also
pose an insoluble dilemma for Western countries and lead to the
emergence of a climate that cannot be pacified. The current approach of
the Gulf countries is not one of demanding democracy, but to the
contrary, is intended to impose new dictatorships under a totalitarian
or even sectarian perspective. For the Middle East to turn into a highly
unstable region will damage prospects for peace, and that in turn will
severely damage all those countries that do business with and enjoy
bilateral relations with the region.
At
this point, the USA and the EU need to follow a more active policy in
Egypt. The important thing for Egypt is not necessarily for the
Brotherhood to return to power and for Morsi to be the leader again:
What matters is an immediate end to the violence, for the detained
politicians to be released and for the people of Egypt to go back to the
ballot box by democratic means. Ignoring the emergence of radical
elements while claiming to be adamantly opposed to the growth of
radicalism will also inflict severe damage on the West in the long term.
Remaining
silent in the face of the current injustices, illegality, oppression
and slaughter, being content to watch from the sidelines and failing to
issue the necessary strong warnings will inevitably lead to questioning
of the West's title of "the cradle of democracy." That in turn will lead
to a decrease in confidence in the West across the world, and to a loss
of belief in democracy. The USA and the EU will definitely lose out in
such circumstances
Intermediaries
must become involved in Egypt before it is too late, and the acts of
violence must come to an end. If that is not done, it is likely that the
junta will increase the state of repression for the foreseeable future
and shed even more blood and deepen the wounds still further. In the
same way, Morsi and the Brotherhood need to be convinced, for the
democratic health and safety of the Egyptian people, not to insist on
re-assuming the leadership on their own. As with Tunisia, the way needs
to be cleared for the establishment of a government with broader
participation. At every point and under every circumstance, the sides
need to be convinced of demands that will bring about the maximum
benefit and meet on an auspicious basis. This transitional process,
should it be followed through with, will be extraordinarily positive in
showing that the Brotherhood sincerely desires advanced democracy and
social peace.
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